Massification of higher education, and prestige projects

October 11th, 2010

In 1993, the Ministry of Education released the “Outline for Reform and Development of Education”, which focused on building up approximately 100 key universities and a number of key disciplines. Project 211, which was mentioned in this plan, was launched through the project “Reform Plan of Teaching Contents and Curriculum of Higher Education Facing the 21st Century” in 2004, which ratified the establishment of 211 big projects and nearly a thousand sub-projects with tens of thousands teachers participating. The plan covered areas of teaching such as teaching ideology, teaching contents, curriculum structure and teaching methodology, and was supported by an advisory group of domestic experts from all disciplines (MoE 2010).

According to Futao Huang (2005), the main objectives were to intensively finance Peking University and Tsinghua University to enable them to become world-class universities, to enhance the quality of 25 other leading universities, and to improve the quality of over 300 key disciplines in different institutions. During the first phase, from 1996 to 2002, about 18.3 billion RMB was allocated from the central government, and by September 2004, 99 universities had been selected and given special support by the government (Huang 2005).

This was followed by an “Action Plan for Education Promotion for the 21st Century” in 1998, which mentioned a number of large projects, such as the “Project for Creating Talented People with a High Level”, the “Plan for Creating the Most Excellent Universities and Disciplines in the World”, “Modern Long-Distance Education”, and the “Project for Industrializing the High Technology in the Universities” (Huang 2005). The Action Plan also launched project 985, which again began by funding Peking University and Tsinghua University intensively. In July 1999, the Ministry of Education added seven more institutions, and by 2010, it had funded 43 universities.

1998 also saw the beginning of a large scale increase in enrolment in Chinese higher education, with the Ministry of Education releasing the “Action Plan to Vitalize Education Facing the Twenty-First Century”. This plan set targets for educational reform and development until 2010, and stipulated a large increase in enrolment. In 1999, Chinese higher education institutions enrolled 4.5 million students, and by 2010, this number has increased to almost 30 million (Pretorius and Xue 2003; Shen 2010). In terms of coverage, the higher education system has gone from covering 3.5% of the cohort in 1991 to 22% in 2002, while the average institutional size quadrupled from 2,381 to 8,715 students (Li and Lin 2008). Since 2003, China has also had the world’s largest national higher education system (UNESCO 2003).

The final large trend during the 1990s was university mergers. The higher education system had been patterned after the Soviet Union, as has been shown in the early part of this chapter, and thus it had a large number of very specialized universities. Many of these were now compelled to join together to form large comprehensive universities (Mao, Du and Liu 2009).


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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Norwegian interview about Chinese Top Level Courses and OER production

October 10th, 2010

I met Martin Aasbrenn, a Norwegian doctor and medical educator, through Twitter. Since then, we’ve had a number of interesting discussions about the production and use of Open Educational Resources online, and we had a chance to meet up last summer to continue these conversations. I always think I am busy myself, but here is a guy with a full job, a bunch of extra responsibilities, and two little kids, who still finds time to reflect, write, share and contribute to these open discussions – I have a lot of respect for that!

After reading my thesis, he said that he found several interesting ideas in it, and wanted to share these with a Norwegian audience. He did a Skype interview with me in Norwegian, touching on a number of the points in the thesis, as well as some of my thoughts about how we can make academic work more accessible, and some of the experiments I am doing with disseminating the thesis. He made a raw transcript of the conversation, and has began to blog about it on his blog about teaching in higher ed. His first post is about my typology of OER based on four purposes, read his post, and then the original text from the thesis.

I would love to see a discussion among Norwegian educators about my research, and whether some of the ideas from China’s project can be applicable in Norway. Thanks a lot Martin, for helping me spread the word.

Stian

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Course evaluations and quality assurance in Chinese higher education

October 10th, 2010

Since the beginning of formal course evaluations in 1985 with the appraisal of engineering education, systems of quality assurance developed rapidly. Evaluation and recognition of excellence among courses were used to foster competition and reform of curriculum and teaching approaches (HEEC 2010).

One of the two universities I visited during my research, University B, is a normal university (university with teacher training as an important part of their mission). The academic affairs officer there explained to me how their course evaluation developed, since they first began evaluating courses internally in 1987. Those course evaluations looked at the quality of the teachers, the academic level of the teachers, teaching team composition, teaching content, and teaching materials. The initial courses selected for evaluation were the key obligatory courses in each specialization. After beginning experimentally in 1987, they regularized the process in 1988, and added the competition to become designated as an “excellent course” (youxiu kecheng, 优秀课程). The following year, they added the requirement that every single course would pass an “approved course” (hege kecheng, 合格课程) test.

The test was quite simple, it just required a course to have an approved teacher or teachers, a syllabus, and use approved teaching materials. The academic affairs officer at University B explained that their motivation was to get rid of those courses without a syllabus, where teachers went “all over the map”, and to standardize educational quality. University B continued this evaluation system until 1992, when the provincial Bureau of Education began evaluating key courses, which continued for almost ten years. In 1997, the State Education Commission began to organize the National Teaching Achievements Awards, which were received by 422 teachers in the first year (MoE 2010). In 2000, the province also began evaluating and selecting excellent courses. University B had been prepared to evaluate again, but that was the one and only round of evaluations, because the system then became superseded by the National Top Level Courses Project (Mr. B0).

In the meantime, the State Education Commission had issued “Regulations for the Award for Instructional Achievement” in 1994, as a result of studying the power of teaching awards to motivate teachers and administrators (Wang Xiufang 2003). In the late 1990s, the Commission began randomly selecting a few universities each year for teaching audits. These were conducted at all levels of universities, and included examining teacher performance, portfolios, textbooks, student assignments, teaching records and examination papers. Some provinces and municipalities, like Shanghai, also began organizing their own centralized course evaluation projects. In addition, it became common for universities to let senior and retired university faculty attend classes taught by junior faculty to provide feedback and critique (Vidovich, Rui and Currie 2007).

In addition to a narrow focus on teaching and courses, systems for evaluation and quality assurance of entire institutions also appeared. In 1990, the State Education Commission released the “Draft Regulation of Higher Education Institution Evaluation”, which was the first regulation of higher education evaluation (HEEC 2010). This was followed by the “University Evaluation Standards Project”, which released standards for the evaluation of six different categories of institutions: comprehensive universities, industrial colleges, agricultural and forestry colleges, medical colleges, finance and economics colleges, and foreign languages colleges.

All new undergraduate degree-granting colleges were required to undergo this evaluation, and by the end of 2002, 192 institutions had gone through the process. In 2003, the “Action Plan of Education Innovation 2003-2007” made it clear that all higher education institutions must undergo quality evaluation every five years. The work is carried out by the provinces, and supervised by the new Higher Educational Evaluation Centre of the Ministry of Education, which was founded in 2004. This centre maintains a pool of over 1,000 experts, who performs the evaluations, and provides them with regular training (HEEC 2010).


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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The beginning of course evaluations in Chinese universities

October 8th, 2010

Having reviewed how modern Chinese higher education began as an import from the Soviet Union, with very centralized and rigid curricula and no local autonomy, we now come to a watershed. Universities are gradually given more power to modify the curricula, and at exactly the same time, systematic course evaluation systems are introduced. I later argue that this is a crucial precursor to the Top Level Courses Process, which is essentially a giant national course evaluation system.


Around the same time that the universities gained more freedom over their curriculum and teaching, efforts began to measure and improve the quality of courses. The Shanghai Higher Educational Bureau began experimenting with evaluation in 1983, to raise the quality of teaching, strengthen the teaching of basic courses, and improve the training of practical ability. At all 45 institutions of higher education in Shanghai, courses on the history of the Chinese revolution, political economy, philosophy, English, Chinese, higher math and general physics were examined to catch teaching problems, and to promote the reform of teaching (Zhou Yuliang 1986, 458). In 1984, the Higher Education Bureau of Jiangsu province conducted the first peer-reviews of teaching quality in teacher’s colleges and universities since the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The process lasted 25 days and involved 50 people, who examined a broad range of materials and questions:

  • Conditions of teaching work, including teaching documents
  • Whether implementation and reform of teaching content met the proper requirements
  • Whether the questions in examinations were written scientifically and seriously
  • Teachers’ academic levels
  • Attitudes towards teaching
  • Teaching methods and teaching results
  • Students study burden
  • Study attitudes and the ability for self-study
  • Aptitude tests

The purpose of this peer-review exercise was for institutions to learn from each other. It was purely qualitative, with no standardized measurements (Zhou Yuliang 1986, 459-460).

There were a number of other experiments with teaching evaluation, using different units of analysis. Zhejiang University and East China Chemical Industrial College both implemented evaluation of departments in 1983. The next year, Beijing Normal University also implemented an evaluation of course teaching quality in their departments. In 1985, South China Normal University experimented with course evaluation throughout the whole school. A trial program for appraising the quality of teaching, based on teaching attitudes, content, methods, and results, was printed and dispatched to all departments (Zhou Yuliang 1986, 459-460).

After these various experiments, the practice of evaluating courses and teaching practice in higher education gradually became formalized in 1985. In May, the “Decision on Reform of the Educational System by the CPC Central Committee” pointed out that “the educational and intellectual sections and the employment units are to be organized to appraise the levels at which institutions of higher learning are run” (State Education Commission, cited in Zhou Yuliang 1986, 461). In June, the Ministry of Education organized a meeting on the problems of evaluation in engineering education, and then in November published the “Circular on the Implementation of a Study and Experiment on Appraisal of Higher Engineering Education”, which contained the two appendices “The Standard System for Appraisal of the Educational Levels at which Higher Industrial Institutions are Run” and “Measures to Enforce the Appraisal of the Educational Levels at Which Higher Industrial Institutions are Run” (State Education Commission, cited in Zhou Yuliang 1986, 461).

In December, the State Education Commission held another meeting, on the reform of teaching work in comprehensive universities. There, it was decided to conduct tests of teaching evaluation at Nanjing University, Fudan University, Wuhan University, East China Normal University and Beijing Normal University. In May 1986, the State Education Commission entrusted East China Normal University with convening a working conference on the evaluation of specialities and courses in higher education. At this meeting, universities proposed various programs and standard systems of evaluating the quality of teaching, based on their own experiences and pilot programs. This led to the collectively drawn up document “Comprehensive Standard System of Appraisal for the Quality of Courses” (Zhou Yuliang 1986, 461-462).


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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Chinese higher ed after the Cultural Revolution: continuity and change

October 5th, 2010

In discussing the reestablishment of the university system after the Cultural Revolution, Pepper (1990, 131) believes it was essentially a continuation of the pre-Cultural Revolution model from the 1960s:

In all other respects, the university system that was reestablished between 1977 and 1980 essentially replicated the antebellum model of the 1960s, which was essentially the same as the Sino-Soviet compromise variation that had emerged from the early 1950s pro-Soviet period. Hence, all of that system’s centralized features abolished during the 1966-76 decade were restored. These included the national unified college entrance examinations, unified enrolment and job assignment plans, unified curricula, and systematized rules and regulations for everything.

As an example, the “Decision on unifying management in higher education” was affirmed by the Central Committee in 1979, and the Ministry of Education was again given the role of regulating nationally standard teaching plans, teaching outlines, and textbooks. The Ministry of Education only administered 38 higher institutions directly, but it made all major curricular decisions for the 226 institutions administered by other national ministries, and the 411 institutions administered by provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions (Hayhoe 1987).

However, change was coming, and the changes to the “The Sixty Articles”, which had originally been proposed in the retrenchment period of the early 1960s, were harbingers of greater openness. Universities were to be centres of both teaching and research, as of the Decision on Reform promulgated in 1985, not only of teaching, and intellectuals were to be regarded as part of the working class, thus having greater freedom of action (cited in Zhou Yuliang 1986, 461). There was also a small increase in the power of university presidents, although the role of the party committee was still important (Hayhoe 1989).

With the 1985 reform, the government aimed to:

change the management system of excessive government control of the institutions of higher education, expand decision-making in the institutions under the guidance of unified educational policies and plans of the state, strengthen the connection of the institutions of higher education with production organizations, scientific research organizations and other social establishments, and enable the institutions of higher education to take the initiative and ability to meet the needs of economic and social development. (cited in Hayhoe 1989, 40-41).

Universities gained much leverage in adjusting the objectives of various disciplines, formulating their own teaching plans and programs, compiling and selecting teaching materials (Hayhoe 1991). There was also a reduction in required course hours in favor of electives, more time for self-study and student initiatives. The role of the Ministry of Education was no longer to produce authoritative teaching plans and outlines, but rather to organize teaching material committees (jiaoyu ziliao hui, 教育资料会) and guide the development of material. It also acquired foreign curricular material from from a wide range of countries, not only the Soviet Union, but also Japan, Germany, France, and the United States, among others, and organized their translation and distribution (Hayhoe 1989).


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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Chinese higher ed during Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution

October 3rd, 2010

From the Great Leap Forward to 1977

The Great Leap Forward began in 1958, and aimed to make China much more self-reliant and able to rapidly catch up to the developed world. During this period, there was wide-spread experimentation in the Chinese education sector, with more focus on grassroots education and indigenous knowledge (for example schools of traditional Chinese medicine). There was also more focus on applied research – universities were encouraged to set up small factories, and linkages between higher education institutions and the research organizations were strengthened (Hayhoe 1996).

In this period, there was a strong movement to develop more local curricular content, with students contributing to writing new textbooks, and introducing regional differences. This happened together with a strong growth in non-formal and adult education, with evening classes at regular universities, and spare-time universities attached to state-owned enterprises and rural communes. The result was a mushrooming in the number of institutions of higher education (from 229 to 1289), and the number of students enrolled – although questions were raised about the quality of education provided through these non-formal institutions (Hayhoe 1996).

In 1963, however, there was a retrenchment, following the losses that had been experienced through over-ambitious efforts at expansion in the Great Leap Forward, and the famine that had happened. The Ministry of Education issued the “Decision on Unifying Management in the Higher Education System”, which stated that the central ministry had the full responsibility for preparing teaching plans (jiaoyu jihua, 教育计划) for each specialization, teaching outlines (jiaoyu dagang, 教育大纲) for each course, and textbooks that were nationally standardized (Hayhoe 1987). The preparation of these materials was led by the Ministry, in consultation with academic subject committees, whose members were often professors at the most prestigious universities. Each specialization had several teaching and research groups (jiaoyanzu, 教研组), responsible for researching methods to transmit knowledge as efficiently as possible (Hayhoe 1989).

The teaching plans for each specialization contained four points: the purpose of formation in that specialization, the organization of time, the structuring of all the required courses and the arrangement of the teaching environment. The teaching outlines for each course included a statement of aims and requirements for the course, list of important content areas in appropriate order, list of basic reference texts, and teaching guidelines (Hayhoe 1989).

Cultural revolution
During the Cultural Revolution, there was a strong growth in the informal track of education and in basic level education. This had begun to emerge during the Great Leap Forward, and now grew strongly, as a more radical political faction took control of the government. The educational ideas of the Cultural Revolution were based around the idea of giving workers and peasants broad access to education. There was a also a phenomenal growth in secondary education, and a strong push for full integration between the educational system and all aspects of social life – the very opposite of the Soviet specialization and departmentalization that had reigned before (Hayhoe 1996).

Formal universities were mostly shut down between 1967 and 1971, with students travelling throughout the country making revolution and learning from the experiences of workers and peasants (Hayhoe 1987). When they reopened, they mostly taught shorter and more general programs (Hayhoe 1989). However, the system became very politicized, for example abolishing merit-based exams in favour of recommendations based on class-background and political objectives. Age limits were eliminated, together with the merit-based entrance exams and the examination-based grading system, and the number of school years needed for graduation was reduced (Yang 2004).

There was great discontent with the centralized Soviet-inspired curriculum that had prevailed, and the People’s University, which had been one of the beachheads for Soviet influence in China, remained closed over the entire period from 1967 to 1977. Similarly, the national bureaus responsible for planning and disseminating the standard teaching plans, outlines and textbooks were abolished, and old textbooks were criticized for being too theoretical, and narrowly specialized (Hayhoe 1987). Committees of students, teachers, and worker-peasant-soldier representatives were set up to take responsibility both for administering higher education, and for creating new teaching materials that would reflect local needs. The ideal was both to give control over the knowledge that would be transmitted to teachers and students, and to ensure strong links between academic and real-life knowledge (Hayhoe 1987).


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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Russia’s influence on Chinese higher ed – 1949-1958

October 2nd, 2010

In my thesis, I spend a lot of time discussing the history of higher education in China since the formation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 until today, especially focusing on the process of course development, and the development of course evaluation systems.

I will show how China began implementing a very rigid and centralized curricular system in the 1950’s, which they imported from the Soviet Union, and which lasted until the middle of the 1980’s. In that period, control over the curriculum was loosened up, and at the same time, we see the first traces of course evaluations.

I will argue that this history is crucial to understanding the factors that enabled the Top Level Courses Project to be launched in 2003. The history of government oversight over the curriculum, teaching teams and course evaluations in individual universities came together with a focus on selecting and funding excellent units, a focus on IT in education, and a desire to maintain or improve quality in the face of explosive enrolment growth.

Learning from the Soviet Union

The Soviet Union had already in the 1930’s implemented central control over the higher education curriculum, with the Ministry of Higher Education establishing a standardized academic calendar, curriculum, course schedule and detailed course requirements for all specializations. Every lecture course was given a syllabus with highly detailed prescriptions of ingredients (Korol 1957, 209, 329). The Soviet system was also based on clear specializations that began from the first year of study.

When the students from the 1919 May 4th reform movement in China were seeking foreign ideas, they looked to Japan, America and Europe, but also to Soviet pedagogy, and later the Soviet school system had a strong impact on schooling in the Communist base areas (Yang 2004). In 1945, Mao reaffirmed that China should use the Soviet Union as an example, and after the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Vice Minister of Education stated that to learn from the Soviet Union should be the main direction of developing a new educational system (Mao and Shen 1989, 84)

The first Soviet expert groups arrived already in October that year, visiting Shanghai and Beijing, and giving talks on the Soviet system (Mao and Shen 1989, 83-86). Although the first few years were marked by a cautious approach, which rewarded existing universities that had a fairly liberal approach, and introduced a credit-system for choosing courses, this period of openness was short-lived. Before long there was a closer and closer identification with the Soviet Union, away from self-reliance and toward an all-out emulation of Soviet patterns and practices (Hayhoe 1996).

For higher education, two universities would serve as “beachheads” for integrating Soviet expertise and experience within the Chinese national context: The People’s University for social science, and Harbin Institute of Technology for natural sciences and technology. The People’s University was a brand new university, created on the model of Soviet institutions, and directly overseen by senior members of the government (Mao and Shen 1989, 89). This university was a huge investment for a young country, and in 1950, it represented 20% of the national educational budget (Cheng Fangwu, cited in Mao and Shen 1989, 90).

From 1950-1957, the People’s University hosted more than 98 Soviet experts, a larger number than any other university. These experts helped train teachers, conduct research on teaching and develop pedagogical theory, teach graduate students, and develop educational material. In 1954, a large national meeting was held at the People’s University to popularize the lessons learnt. The meeting was well attended, and because of the high status of the university, many other universities wanted to send teachers there, or to collaborate with the researchers at People’s University (Mao and Shen 1989, 92).

Different from the People’s University, which was created from scratch, Harbin Institute of Technology was an existing university that was chosen for its position in a border-region with Russia, where most students were Russian descendants and spoke Russian (Mao and Shen 1989). Originally called Harbin Sino-Russian Technical School, it had been established in 1920 as a Russian-language institution to provide personnel for the China Eastern Railway Company. Interestingly, the school was reorganized in 1922 in a very similar effort to the great national reorganization of departments which would come in 1953 (see below).

In 1935, the area where the school was located had become part of Manchukuo, a Japanese puppet-regime, and a process of Japanization changed both the structure and the language of instruction at the school (Otsuka 2001). This dual heritage of both the Russian system, and the rapidly industrializing Japanese system, made it a key institution for Russian technical experts. From 1951 to 1957, the university hosted 67 experts from 26 different Russian universities, which helped train graduate students, determine the educational plan for each specialization, and create models for undergraduate courses in technology and natural sciences (Mao and Shen 1989, 92).

Very little of the teaching material from before the founding of the People’s Republic of China was kept. Instead, detailed teaching plans were drawn up by the Soviet experts, and a large-scale program of translating Soviet material began. By October 1957, 1869 teaching publications and mimeographed sheets had been translated and compiled (Zhou Yuliang 1986, 448-449). Due to the strong centralization of the higher education system, also a lesson from the Soviet system, this material was in use at all Chinese universities. As Lewin et al. (2004, 147) put it:

The overriding characteristic of curriculum development in China since 1949 has been central control of a nationally unified teaching syllabus. What to teach in schools (educational objectives, content selection), when and how to long to teach it (timetabling), and, to a lesser extent, how to teach and evaluate students, have all been the subject of detailed central guidelines.

Zhou Yuliang (1986, 459-460) mentions Zhejiang Normal University as an example of how pervasive the Soviet influence was. In 1955, the university offered 153 courses. Of these, 41 were based on texts directly translated from the Soviet Union, and the other 79 had been developed based on Soviet models.

The Russian influence was not only limited to course materials, but extended to the entire organization of the higher education sector. The Russian higher education system was organized with specialized universities focusing on teaching, and with research happening mainly in research institutes, such as the Chinese Academy of Science (Hayhoe 1987). Universities were not all under the Ministry of Education, but rather were organized under, and funded by, their respective ministries. These were sometimes defined by product, as in the case of the Universities of Iron and Steel, which were administered and funded by the Ministry of Iron and Steel, and whose graduates would go on to work in the iron and steel industry (Hayhoe 1989).

The reorganization of colleges and departments in China (yuanxi tiaozheng, 院系调整), which was part of the first Five Year Plan (1953-1957), aimed at reorganizing the whole Chinese higher education sector according to this pattern (Hayhoe 1996). At the institutional level, the organization of curriculum by colleges, each with several departments, which had been common in the pre-1949 universities, was now cancelled. Universities had departments directly under their central administration, and specializations within departments now became the main organizing unit for the curriculum, with the credit system terminated, and each specialization following a uniform curriculum, and being given an annual quota of students.

The result of this was a centralized and rigid system, with very little freedom for students to choose their courses, and for teaching faculty or institutions to design programs of study, or determine the contents of individual courses. The rigid organization of departments and specializations meant that there was very little scope for collaboration, or even contact, across the disciplines.


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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Open Governance week 1: Acting like baboons

September 27th, 2010

I signed up for my first P2PU course this term, Open Governance, facilitated by Philipp Schmidt (and a host of helpers). Although I’ve been deeply involved with P2PU from the beginning, this is actually the first time I am “whole-heartedly” taking a course (I have been following along on many though).

Probably the reasons I have for taking this course, and the reasons Philipp had for starting it, are similar – we are both thinking a lot about how we can support the development of the P2PU community as we go forward. A community is a very fragile thing, and it’s certainly not something you can “build” or “construct”, but you can nurture it, and provide the conditions for it to grow.

Personally, I have also created a bunch of different projects on the web, and wondered as I saw some projects gather a lot of users, an active committed community of people who eagerly contribute and discuss, etc. Whereas others, which initially looked just as interesting as attractive, slowly turn into grey corners of the web where nobody stops. In Salman Rushdie’s Haroun and the Sea of Stories, stories slowly loose their colors and die when nobody tell them anymore. Maybe the modern equivalent could be websites that grow cobwebs, because nobody visit them, or online communities that decay because there isn’t a vibrant community there.

In addition to initiating a project, and gathering enough interest to kick-start an initial community, the question is how to manage change, and growth. If the launch is successful, you might have a close group of people who all were there “in the early days”, all share a certain history, a “founding myth”, a certain in-language, etc. But as newcomers arrive, are they welcomed into the community, and made to learn and absorb the culture that prevails (while still being able to make contributions – the community should not be ossified and overly conservative), or do they overrun the community, and do old-timers feel like “it’s not the same anymore”?

This question could be raised about many kinds of communities, whether it’s a graduate program (I was just discussing with a fellow student today about how new doctoral students are “initiated” into the community), a start-up company as it grows, Wikipedia or P2PU.

You also have different kinds of participants. In a doctoral program, all participants will be doctoral students (although some may be part time, etc), but in P2PU, you have course participants, and course organizers. And people who are helping out with the running of P2PU. Do people who “just” take P2PU courses feel like part of a broader community, or are they just “students who come and go”, whereas the “staff”, the people who take a deeper interest, join one of the mailing lists, get involved in developing the project, are the real “community members’? (This is made more acute, compared to the situation of a traditional university, because our courses are just six weeks long – it’s different with someone who is around for a four year undergraduate degree).

Here were the readings for this week:

In parenthesis, I really loved the WNYX Radiolab show, and subscribed to their podcast feed, very glad to have discovered this program. Much of the readings were about the work of Sapolsky, a scientist studying baboons in Africa. To make a long (and very well told story) short, baboons are known to be very aggressive animals with high stress levels, the males constantly struggling amongst themselves. In the particular case that Sapolsky studied, the alpha-males would go to fight another tribe each morning for access to a garbage dump outside a lodge. Through contaminated meat, they got tuberculosis, and all the strongest males in the flock died.

This caused a very marked behavioural change in the flock, with only the younger males, and the females left, and a very different male-female ratio, the behaviour became much more nurturing and supportive. Sapolsky wrote this off as the result of a freak accident, and decided nothing could be learnt about baboon nature by studying this tribe, so he left. A number of years later, when he returned (on his honeymoon I believe!), he was shocked. The key to understand his shock is that baboons leave their flocks when they get into their teens, and join another flock. So by now, all the males in the flock where baboons who had grown up in other flocks, with the “traditional” aggressive baboon behaviour as a norm. Yet, at that time (6 years later) and today (20 years later) the tribe still has this unique nurturing culture.

This means that the baboons who came into the flock actually learnt, or adapted these new cultural norms – that previously had seemed “contrary to baboon nature”. When asked how this happened, the biggest difference that Sapolsky could find was how newcomers to the community were treated. In traditional baboon society, newcomers have to struggle for weeks before anyone will take notice of them, constantly fighting with the big boys, and with no females willing to groom them. In the new flock, newcomers were welcomed as equal members much more rapidly.

Of course, it is very difficult to transfer directly these lessons to human society in all its forms, but a focus on how a community welcomes new members, and initiates them into the community is very useful, both for P2PU and for other communities. The question of how to create community cohesion in an online community, where you lack a lot of the intimacy and shared experiences that you can create in meatspace, is also an interesting challenge.

I don’t have anything very deep to say about all this yet, but I think it was a really great and fun start to the class, warming us up to think about these various topics, and I look forward to engaging with new readings, and guest lecturers, to think more deeply about these problems.

Stian

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OER from the perspectives of world institutionalism and policy borrowing

September 22nd, 2010

In addition to defining the concept of OER, and introducing a taxonomy of OER projects based on their purposes, I also introduce my theoretical framework from comparative education in the literature review. I begin by describing how international the OpenCourseWare concept has become:

At the 2008 Open CourseWare Consortium conference in Dalian, China, representatives from universities in many different countries were gathered to report on the progress, and share their experiences with opening up access to their course materials. Chinese researchers shared statistics on how large a percentage of students were aware of OpenCourseWare, Japanese professors showcased their latest OpenCourseWare semantic search tool, and Mexican researchers from the Tecnologico de Monterey showcased applications for mobile learning. The concept of OpenCourseWare had decidedly gone global.

One way to see this, is that the world is becoming more and more similar:

This would seem to support the idea that national education systems are converging globally. The view that there is a clear trend towards increased similarity in values and system design as the result of worldwide emerging models is held by Meyer, Boli, Thomas, and Ramirez (1997, 145), who state that

worldwide models define and legitimate agendas for local action, shaping the structures and policies of nation-states and other national and local actors in virtually all of the domains of rationalized social life — business, politics, education, medicine, science, even the family and religion.

Applied to higher education, world institutionalism predicts a growing trend towards isomorphism, rather than divergence, in higher educational systems (Meyer, Ramirez, Frank and Schofer 2006). This theory proposes that educational systems are not only converging in structure, organization and content, but also in such values of education as views of progress and social justice. The fact that 39 countries are currently members of the OpenCourseWare Consortium, and have universities that publish courses openly and share teaching materials freely, could be seen as further proof that global values and institutions are converging (OpenCourseWare Consortium 2010a).

However, not everyone is convinced that it’s so simple:

However, this theory is not without critics. Anthropologist Anderson-Levitt (2003) criticizes convergence theories for taking global schooling models at face value, and Schriewer and Martinez (2004, 33) similarly believes that we have to look below the surface, and the terms employed, to see whether they are actually describing the same reality:

There is a convergence of educational reforms, but perhaps it is only at the level of brand names, that is, in the language of reform. Once a discourse is transplanted from one context to another and subsequently enacted in practice, it changes meaning.

They also differentiate between internationalization as a real process, and internationality as a semantic construct that can be referred to selectively, according to the “changing problem constructions internal to a given educational system” (Schriewer and Martinez 2004; Silova 2009). They show how policy borrowing does not happen systematically, for example following a simple centre-periphery model, but rather is structured by the needs and discourses in any relevant society. References to educational innovations in other nations are often employed as a rhetorical tool to promote change that is desirable by certain groups. To discover these processes, the multi-country statistical analysis often performed by the world institutionalist group has to be complemented by very fine-grained analyses of individual cases of educational borrowing, taking into account the local context, including culture, history, power structures and discourse.

I first learnt about the theories around policy borrowing from a book by Gita Steiner-Khamsi on education in Mongolia. This books is beautifully written, and worth reading even if I you never thought you’d be interested in education in Mongolia. I first heard about it by a coincidence. My friend Espen was beginning his MA in comparative education at the university of Oslo, and since my classes had not yet begun, I hung out in his classes instead. One teacher had the class read a book review of this book, and write a summary, to practice writing. I was intrigued by the book and when I got to Toronto, I got it at the library, and enjoyed reading it. Later, I was lucky enough to attend a talk by Steiner-Khamsi at University of Toronto, and although it was intimidating being the only undergraduate in a room full of graduate students, I was probably the only one who had actually read the book before meeting her.

In her book Educational import: local encounters with global forces in Mongolia, Steiner-Khamsi and Stolpe (2006) discuss global educational policy borrowing through the lens of Mongolia. They show how the government uses the language of modern Western innovations, but does not change its actual practices on the ground. This is similar to what Schriewer and Martinez (2004) describe as using “Ausland als Argument”. In many cases, the Mongolian government had to adopt the language of the donors, for example applying for funding for girl-child education, even if girls were far outperforming boys in school already. In other settings, a government will refer to external examples to lend legitimacy to their policy decisions, in some cases even “borrowing policy” even though the practices are already being carried out locally. In some cases, the terminology is adapted to lend credibility to desirable programs nationally, and in other cases, to receive funding from donors with specific priorities (Steiner-Khamsi 2004).

In my thesis, I then go on to describe in detail the Chinese Top Level Courses, and then use this framework to look at whether what is happening is in fact a global convergence of policies, or whether we should, inspired by Steiner-Khamsi, look below the surface to understand what is really happening.


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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Categorizing OER based on four purposes

September 17th, 2010

This part of my thesis is based on a framework that I have gradually developed over the last year and a half. It began with reading Mike Caulfield’s blog post Openness as reuse, and openness as transparency, where he contrasted the purposes of MIT OpenCourseWare and CMU’s Open Learning Initiative. Interestingly, this was inspired by the same course on open education by David Wiley, that inspired me to begin research Chinese OER. He introduced the notion of OER projects having different purposes, and suggested that the main purpose of OCW was transparency, seeing what other people had done. OLI, he suggested, was more about reuse. About half a year later, I was giving a major talk at my institution about Open Educational Resources, and in thinking through how I could give a systematic overview of the field, I came up with three purposes of OER: Direct use, reuse and transparency (Slides, links, video and audio, this topic starts around minute 36).

As I began researching the Chinese project, reading the literature, and talking with professors about the purposes of that project, I realized I had to add another purpose, which I eventually decided to call transformative production: the changes in the people who produce the materials, caused by the participation in the production and opening of the materials. While I believe this effect is to some extent inherent in all OER projects, the Chinese project was the first one where I saw this as explicitly stated, and put front and center.

I also become very convinced of the value of this analytical framework, when I read a number of Chinese papers that criticized or evaluated the Chinese project, but failed to discuss what the purpose should be. Some would criticize it for not being very suited for independent learning by students, when the initial project plans had never called for material useful to that group. I believe that it is impossible to fulfill all four purposes equally well (although you could probably do two or three), and that by not making an explicit choice, you end up with a project that does nothing very well:

There are many models for developing Open Educational Resources, and this is partly because the goals of the various projects are different. To make this clearer, I propose a typology of Open Educational Resources based on their purpose. When people develop Open Educational Resources, they make many decisions regarding format, scope, organization, licensing and so on, and these are informed by the purpose the resource is to fulfill, as well as technological and organizational limitations. After publication, the resource can be used in many other ways by different users, indeed one of the strengths of the open licenses is to enable this kind of unexpected use and reuse, however the original purpose is still a useful guide. To be clear about the purpose is not only important for the design of the project, but is also a necessity for any rigorous evaluation to take place.

I first introduce the category of transformative production, which I added after beginning to research the Chinese project:

By transformative production, I mean that the process of producing the resource in itself has a transformative effect upon the people involved in the production process. Just as the purpose of writing an essay in school is not to generate a large amount of finished essays, but rather in the effect on the person writing the essay, this category suggests that the purpose of the production of open resources, or the opening of existing resources, is the effect it will have on those involved. This effect is always present even unintentionally, and could be positive – where teachers put more efforts into their teaching, because they know they are being filmed – or negative – when teachers abstain from experimenting in class, because they are afraid of having their failures caught on tape. However, this category covers projects that have this transformative effect as their main goal for the production of open resources. It is different from the three that follow, which all pertain to the resources after they have been produced.

My second category was direct use by independent learners. I realize that independent learners can learn from almost anything, no matter how poorly organized or incomplete, however we would expect something more from material that had been designed with independent learners in mind.

By direct use, I mean that the student can visit the resource and use it to learn independently. This means that the resource would ideally contain all the material needed to learn, ie. be complete. The resource should also be developed for the web, taking advantage of the possibilities offered by interactive quizzes, simulations, games, and other mechanisms. Developing this material might be expensive, and it should be clearly targeted to a specific group. A good example in this category is the Carnegie Mellon Open Learning Initiative courses (see for example Dollar and Steif 2008).

The Open Learning Initiative is a classical example, because it not only provides a complete resource, but it also has interactive exercises, simulations and animations that aid the learner. These resources can be immensely powerful for a large amount of students, but it’s extremely expensive, and requires a number of specialized skills to achieve.

By reuse, I mean that the material can be modified, redacted, and integrated with other material. In this case, the student does not directly access the material, but the access is mediated through an intermediary — for example a teacher, or a curriculum developer. In this case, the material needs to be openly licensed, so that the transformation is legal. Material in this category does not need to be complete, or targeted to a specific group, since it will be repurposed. The material in this category is often not organized as an entire course, but as a large collection of small modules. The material should ideally be available in file formats that are easy to modify by the user. A good example in this category is Rice University’s Connexions project, which uses small modules, an open XML file format, obligatory open licensing, a built-in system for derivation and attribution, and a flexible system for quality review to facilitate reuse and the creative building upon other’s work (Baraniuk 2008).

Reuse is kind of the holy grail of the OER movement, and the main reason why we care so much about open licenses. The sad truth is that very little reuse is happening, however, and most institutions are happier producing their own branded material from scratch, than improving on somebody else’s material. In Mike’s original blog post, he suggested a difference between scripting languages and object oriented modules as an analogy to the difference between packaged learning objects with meta-data, and “just give me your stuff”. He elaborated on this in his second blog post:

Transparency (show your code) does promote a certain type of reuse — but it is generally I think reuse of professionals of the same caliber. And this is where the OO vs. scripting language comparison comes in useful — the idea of scripting languages is sort of a single tier — scripters reuse what they learn looking at scripters.

The whole OO idea, when expressed as a business model, was that there are different tiers of user/creators — that the way-smart people make the objects and the less smart (and less paid) people script them together, and this maximizes efficiency.

The everybody is a scripter (which I see as a sort of craft model), and the specialized production OO model (which i see as a manufacturing model) come from two really fundamentally different world views — they intersect in this small place, but at the edges they start to tug at each other.

Once again, I think we need both — the Python Library is a thing of beauty, and allows me to do crazy things with code that I could never do on my own. On the other hand, so much of what I’ve produced of use has come from hacking at spaghetti code copied and pasted from somewhere.

I think there are analogues in open education, even in a single implementation. I might grab the best lecture on Aeration from TU Delft and drop it unedited into my curriculum. I might follow that by reviewing the reading list for that course, and pulling one or two readings I have missed into my own curriculum. But I think even is this case, they are two slightly different activities — in one instance I am essentially a consumer, and in another I’m a co-producer.

In some presentations, I have differentiated between “light reuse” and “heavy reuse”. By light reuse, I mean deep-linking to a resource, putting it into another curricular context, but not changing the resource itself. This is what David Wiley did with the original Intro to open ed course, he didn’t produce any of the readings himself, he linked to reports, videos and other material that already existed. He didn’t modify these resources, but he put them into a new context. Light reuse is much easier to do, and does not require the object you are linking to, to have an open license (as long as it is freely available, ideally without a login).

This is also what we are doing at P2PU currently, and what I have often suggested could be done with the open courses in China… If you criticize them for not being good, or complete enough, why don’t you create your own curriculum. There might be 20 courses on intro to economics, why don’t you go through and choose the best videos, the best PDFs, the best examples, and link them together into a new curriculum? It’s completely legal, and extremely useful to others. This would be similar to the object oriented metaphore, except in this case, we are not asking for the resources to be heavily packaged meta-data labeled learning objects, it’s enough that they are on the web, and are direct linkable.

Heavy reuse, on the other hand, means that you transform the materials themselves. You might download them, edit them, take out chunks, put them together with other resources etc. This is much more labor-intensive, and requires that the material is licensed under an open license. The most common form of heavy reuse, is translation.

By transparency/consultation, I mean that the material will not be used directly by learners, nor will it be “reused” or repurposed by intermediaries. Rather, it will be available for people who are interested in learning about how a given class is taught. This could be other teachers, who wish to get inspiration about different ways of teaching the same thing, or students who are planning to choose a major, and would like to know what a given subject entails. It could inspire other teachers, or even provide materials for a comparative curriculum study. This requires material that reflects as closely as possible what actually happens in the classroom, or material that is distributed to students in a normal situation. The OpenCourseWare projects are good examples of this category, and so are the open textbook repositories in India and Indonesia (Ghosh and Das 2006; Hariyanto 2009).

You can read more about the textbook repositories in India and Indonesia on my blog. You could say that there is a lot of overlap in terms of the material that might be made available under reuse, and transparency/consultation. In both cases, we want as much material as possible, don’t worry about whether it’s useful or not. And this is why the purposes of direct use on the one hand, and reuse and transparency/consultation on the other hand, can never be served well by the same project. Mike Caulfield says:

It would be tempting to say that while separable concepts, the aims of reuse and transparency are so synergistic as to never be at odds. But this isn’t the case. Engineering for reuse takes a certain type of investment that constitutes a drag on transparency efforts. Transparency is most effective when as much is made transparent as possible. The principle behind transparency is that you never know what bit of internal information may be valuable to outsiders. And you shouldn’t really spend too much time worrying about it — get as much open as you can.

Leigh Blackall commented about the difficult of achieving both of these objectives:

At Otago Polytechnic we have been trying to achieve both at the same time, and some may have noticed that I use the term “open educational resources and practices” to encompass that intensive approach. There is a sense urgency in our need to update skills, awareness and policies to a point where we able to offer quality services in open (flexible) education arenas. But as Mike suggests, there is observable drag in doing both.

Although both reuse and transparency/consultation benefits from more available material, they differ in some cases. It is not that important that material in the transparency/consultation category use an open license (although I personally prefer it). Perhaps the most important difference is that the material in the latter category is valuable because it reflects on something else. If I want to learn about how American professors teach, and I watch OCW videos to achieve this, I am not interested in the videos themselves, but in what they reflect (what goes on in the classroom). Thus I can learn very little about how professors at Carnegie Mellon teach classes, because the OLI material is not a reflection of what happens in face-to-face classes.

In a later section, I will use these four categories to discuss how the China Top Level Courses Project, and the MIT OpenCourseWare models are similar and different.


The quotes in this text is from the MA Thesis “The Chinese National Top Level Courses Project: Using Open Educational Resources to Promote Quality in Undergraduate Teaching” by Stian Håklev, University of Toronto 2010.


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